
SAY what you will about Ayaan Hirsi Ali, she fascinates. The Dutch-Somali politician, who has lived under armed guard ever since a fatwa was issued against her in 2004, is a chameleon of a woman. Just 11 years after she arrived in the Netherlands from Africa, she rode into parliament on a wave of anti-immigrant sentiment, only to leave again last year, this time for America, after an uproar over lies she had told to obtain asylum.
Even the title of her new autobiography reflects her talent for reinvention. In the Netherlands, where Ms Hirsi Ali got her start campaigning against the oppression of Muslim women, the book has been published under the title “My Freedom”. But in Britain and in America, where she now has a fellowship at the conservative American Enterprise Institute, it is called “Infidel”. In it, she recounts how she and her family made the cultural odyssey from nomadic to urban life in Africa and how she eventually made the jump to Europe and international celebrity as the world's most famous critic of Islam.
Read as a modern coming-of-age story set in Africa, the book has a certain charm. Read as a key to the thinking of a woman who aspires to be the Muslim Voltaire, it is more problematic. The facts as Ms Hirsi Ali tells them here do not fit well either with some of the stories she has told in the past or with her tendency in her political writing to ascribe most of the troubles of the Muslim world to Islam.
Ms Hirsi Ali's father, Hirsi Magan Isse, was one of the first Somalis to study overseas in Italy and America. He met his future wife, Asha, when she signed up for a literacy class he taught during Somalia's springtime of independence in the 1960s. The family's troubles began in 1969, the year Ms Hirsi Ali was born. That was also the year that Mohammed Siad Barre, a Somali army commander, seized power in a military coup. Hirsi Magan was descended from the traditional rulers of the Darod, Somalia's second biggest clan. Siad Barre, who hailed from a lesser Darod family, feared and resented Ms Hirsi Ali's father's family, she says. In 1972, Siad Barre had Hirsi Magan put in prison from which he escaped three years later and fled the country. Not until 1978 was the family reunited with him.
As a young woman, Ms Hirsi Ali's mother, Asha, does not seem to have inhabited “the virgin's cage” that the author claims imprisons Muslim women around the world. At the age of 15, she travelled by herself to Aden where she got a job cleaning house for a British woman. Despite her adventurous spirit, in Yemen and later in the Gulf she found herself drawn to the stern Wahhabi version of Islam that would later clash with the more relaxed interpretation of Islam favoured by Ms Hirsi Ali's father and many other Somalis. She and Hirsi Magan fell out not long after the family moved to Kenya in 1980. Hirsi Magan left to join a group of Somali opposition politicians in exile in Ethiopia and did not return to his family for ten years.
Ms Hirsi Ali says her mother had no idea how to raise her children in a foreign city. She frequently beat Ayaan and her sister, Haweya. Although they and their brother, Mahad, attended some of Nairobi's best schools, Haweya and Mahad dropped out early on. Ms Hirsi Ali herself meanwhile fell under the sway of the Muslim Brotherhood.
Some of the best passages in the book concern this part of her life. As a teenager, Ms Hirsi Ali chose to wear the all-encompassing black Arab veil, which was unusual in cosmopolitan Nairobi. “Weirdly, it made me feel like an individual. It sent out a message of superiority,” she writes. Even as she wore it, Ms Hirsi Ali was drawn in other directions. She read English novels and flirted with a boy. Young immigrants of any religion growing up with traditional parents in a modern society will recognise her confusion: “I was living on several levels in my brain. There was kissing Kennedy; there was clan honour; and there was Sister Aziza and God.”
Some of the best passages in the book concern this part of her life. As a teenager, Ms Hirsi Ali chose to wear the all-encompassing black Arab veil, which was unusual in cosmopolitan Nairobi. “Weirdly, it made me feel like an individual. It sent out a message of superiority,” she writes. Even as she wore it, Ms Hirsi Ali was drawn in other directions. She read English novels and flirted with a boy. Young immigrants of any religion growing up with traditional parents in a modern society will recognise her confusion: “I was living on several levels in my brain. There was kissing Kennedy; there was clan honour; and there was Sister Aziza and God.”
Ms Hirsi Ali sounds less frank when she tells the convoluted story of how and why she came to seek asylum at the age of 22 in the Netherlands. She has admitted in the past to changing her name and her age, and to concocting a story for the Dutch authorities about running away from Somalia's civil war. (In fact she left from Kenya, where she had had refugee status for ten years.) She has since justified those lies by saying that she feared another kind of persecution: the vengeance of her clan after she ran away from an arranged marriage.
However, last May a Dutch television documentary suggested that while Ms Hirsi Ali did run away from a marriage, her life was in no danger. The subsequent uproar nearly cost Ms Hirsi Ali her Dutch citizenship, which may be the reason why she is careful here to re-state how much she feared her family when she first arrived in the Netherlands. But the facts as she tells them about the many chances she passed up to get out of the marriage—how her father and his clan disapproved of violence against women; how relatives already in the Netherlands helped her to gain asylum; and how her ex-husband peaceably agreed to a divorce—hardly seem to bear her out.
Ayaan Hirsi Ali is not the first person to use false pretences to try to find a better life in the West, nor will she be the last. But the muddy account given in this book of her so-called forced marriage becomes more troubling when one considers that Ms Hirsi Ali has built a career out of portraying herself as the lifelong victim of fanatical Muslims.
Another, even more disturbing story concerns her sister Haweya's sojourn in the Netherlands. In her earlier book, “The Caged Virgin”, which came out last year, Ms Hirsi Ali wrote that her sister came to the Netherlands to avoid being “married off”. In “Infidel”, however, she says Haweya came to recover from an illicit affair with a married man that ended in abortion. Ms Hirsi Ali helped Haweya make up another fabricated story that gained her refugee status, but the Netherlands offered her little respite. After another affair and a further abortion, Haweya was put into a psychiatric hospital. Back in Nairobi, she died from a miscarriage brought on by an episode of religious frenzy. “It was the worst news of my life,” Ms Hirsi Ali writes.
Mental illness, abortion, failed marriages, illicit affairs and differing interpretations of religion: much as she tries, the kind of problems that Ms Hirsi Ali describes in “Infidel” are all too human to be blamed entirely on Islam. Her book shows that her life, like those of other Muslims, is more complex than many people in the West may have realised. But the West's tendency to seek simplistic explanations is a weakness that Ms Hirsi Ali also shows she has been happy to exploit.
Infidel. By Ayaan Hirsi Ali. (Free Press; 368 pages)
4 comments:
"Ay, Ay, Ay, Ayaan ..." nu este, fireste, titlul articolului din The Economist (pt.care am dat link),... este doar titlul postarii mele (extrem de reusit, nU ?)
Citeva lucruri utile de stiut despre o publicatie de talia lui Economist:
"Articles in The Economist are not signed, but they are not all the work of the editor alone...
The main reason for anonymity, however, is a belief that what is written is more important than who writes it."
fiecare cu chichitele lui ..., de ce nu le-ar avea si Economist pe ale sale.
"Established in 1843 ... It has backed conservatives such as Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher. It has supported the Americans in Vietnam. But it has also endorsed Harold Wilson and Bill Clinton, and ..."
La inceput, mi-a placut foarte mult aceasta fata frumoasa si inteligenta, care isi exprima parerile cu elocventa si curaj...,
intreaga Olanda a fost fascinata si a primit-o cu bratele deschise.
A ajuns si in Parlament, devenind extrem de vizibila ...
Ei si cu ocazia asta, a inceput sa apara la fel de vizibil si aspectul de "self"-promoting in care aceasta femeie exceleaza.
Olandezii (calvinisti) nu prea privesc cu ochi buni "notorietatea"
(ei chiar au o vorba: "the notoriety is just a proof of one's insignificance")
Femeile musulmane din Olanda ii reprosau faptul ca audienta ei era formata din "... white liberal males, rather than the Muslim women she wishes to liberate."
"She's appealing to Dutch society, to middle-class Dutch-origin people. She talks about the emancipation of women but you can't push it down their throats. If I could talk to her, I would tell her that she needs to get a couple of Muslim women around her."(Fatima Elatik)
De asemeni, olandezii nu ii vor ierta minciunile folosite pentru a obtine cetatenia, ...
dar mai ales, nu ii vor ierta niciodata moartea cineastului Theo van Gogh.
Usurintza cu care Ayaan a abordat acel scenariu provocativ si senzationalist, a pus in mod fatal in pericol viata neprotejata a cineastului (ea in schimb beneficia de protectia acordata de catre statul olandez), ...
fara sa aduca nici o imbunatatire vietii oprimate a femeilor musulmane ...
Nu-i vorba, ca Theo, era primul care sa raspunda "prezent !" cind auzea de ceva "provocativo-senzationalist", insa nu cred ca si-a imaginat ca ar putea exista un nebun care sa-l omoare pentru asa ceva ...
Am mai scris ca Theo van Gogh nu prea era admirat si respectat din cauza vulgaritatilor insultatoare cu care isi expunea opiniile lui rasiste fatza de toate comunitatile.
Insa olandezii, chiar cei care au chiar acei care au avut cu el polemici serioase, si-au exprimat viguros protestul in fatza unui act atit de salbatic si criminal.
Precum zice scriitorul olandez (evreu) Leon de Winter (de multe ori victima atacurilor vulgare ale acestuia):
“Theo van Gogh ... He was an asshole, but he was my asshole and he had the right to be an asshole. I am furious, desperate and perplexed.”
PS. Aceasta e si opinia mea, chiar daca unii pe alte bloguri, vor musai sa sustina cu as justifica aceasta crima. Dar cine sint ei ? Niste nulitati ca si mine, insa care-si dau o pompoasa importanta ...
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